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HOWARD UNIVERSITY RECORD 

M 

Volume 12 JANUARY 1918 Number 1 


Some Addresses 

at 

The Sociological Conference 

held in connection with 

THE SEMI-CENTENNIAL 

Howard U n iversity 

March 1-2 , 1917 



HOWARD UNIVERSITY 
Washington, D.C. 


HOWARD UNIVERSITY RECORD: Published by Howard University in January, March 

April, May, June, November and December. Subscription price, one year, twenty-live cents 
Entered at the Post Office at Washington, D.C., as second class mail matter. 

2 . ck oM 




HOWARD UNIVERSITY 
BOARD OF TRUSTEES 



i r . 


Ex-Chief Justice STANTON J. PEELLE, EL. D., President of Hoard of Trustees 
STEPHEN M. NEWMAN, D. D., President of the University 
GEORGE Wm. COOK, LL. M., Secretary andBusiness Manager 
EDWARD L. PARKS, D. D.. Treasurer and Registrar 


Term expires 1918 

Justice GEORGE W. ATKINSON, LL. D., Washington. I). C. 

Rev. H. PAUL DOUGLASS, D. D., New York City. 

ANDREW F. HILYER, LL.M., Washington, D. C. 

Rev. STEPHEN M. NEWMA N, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Ex-Chief Justice STANTON J. PEELLE, LL. D., Washington. D. C. 
Rev. ULYSSES G. 13. PIERCE, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Rev. CHA RLES H. RICH A RDS. D. D.. New York City. 


Term expires 1919 

Justice JOB BARNARD, LL. D., Washington, D. C. 
WILLIAM V. COX, A. M., Washington, D. C. 

Rev. FRANCIS J. GRIMKE, D. D., Washington, D.C 
Bishop JOHN HURST, Baltimore, Md. 

Hon. CUNO II. RUDOLPH, Washington, D. C. 
WILLIAM A. SINCLAIR, M. D., Philadelphia, Pa. 


Term expires 1920 

Mr. JOHN T. EMLEN, Philadelphia, Pa. 

THOMAS JESSE JONES, Ph. D., Washington, D. C. 

Rev. JESSE E. MOORLAND, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Hon. JAMES C. NAPIER, LL. D., Nashville, Tenn. 
CHARLES B. PURVIS, M. D., Boston, Mass. 

Justice WENDELL PHILIPS STAFFORD, Washington, I). C. 
JAMES H. N. WARING, M. D., Kings Park, L. I. 

MARCUS F. WHEATLAND, M. D., Newport, R. I. 


HONORARY MEMBERS 

Mr. JOHN A. COLE, Chicago.: 111. 

Bishop BENJAMIN F. LEE, D. D., Wilberforce, Ohio. 

Mr. HENRY E. PELLEW, Washington. D. C. 

Hon. JOSEPH D. SAYERS. Austin, Texas. 

Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT, LL. D., New Haven, Conn. 

Bishop BENJAMIN TUCKER TANNER, LL. D., Philadelphia. Pa 
Bishop WILBUR P. THIRKIELD, LL.D., New Orleans. La 
Hon. GEORGE TI. WHITE. Philadelphia. Pa. 


. » 

PATRON EX-OFFICIO 

Hon FRANKLIN K. LA NE. Secretary of the Interior 



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1 >»■($ L. ft 


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SOCIOLOGICAL CONFERENCE 


X N the plans for celebrating the Semi-Centennial of 
Howard University the holding of a Sociological Con- 
ference took an important place. Cordial acceptances 
of the invitation to attend were received from many persons in 
different parts of the country and the result gave great satisfaction. 
Forenoon and afternoon sessions were held Thursday and Fri- 
day, March 1-2, 1917. The general topic was 

“Fifty Tears of Progress by the American Negro 

Papers were presented and discussions held upon four as- 
pects of this progress, viz: 

1. Ownership of Rural and Urban Homes. 

II. Business Enterprises. 

III. Education , 

IV, Health and Sanitation. 

This copy of the Record contains the introductory address by 
President Newman of the University, the brief statement by Dr. 
J. H. N. Waring, Chairman of the Committee which arranged 
the Conference, three addresses by Mr. R. R. Wright, Jr., Mr. 
Wm, Anthony Aery, and Mr. Eugene K. Jones, together with 
the conclusions which were drawn up by a committee and adopt- 
ed by the Conference. 


Add ress of Welcome by President Newman 

ADI ES and GENTLEMEN: It becomes my wel- 

come duty to greet you in the name of Howard Uni- 
versity. I wish at the very outset to state something 
which I ask you to bear in mind. We do not ask you or any 
other of our friends to come from different parts of the country 
to these meetings in connection with our Fiftieth Anniversary, 
simply to bring congratulatory speeches and become aroused by 
some kind of sentiment over the history of Howard Univer- 
sity. We wish to go deeper than that. Our problem is one 
of life and service. We desire to hold such meetings as may 
promote life in the mind and heart of each one who comes and, 
through each attendant, in the minds and hearts of those with 
whom you may come in contact after you go away. Please do 
not regard us as standing here for the sake of evoking any special 
oratory from our history. The mission of this Conference is 
broader than that. It relates, as the topic of the day states it, to 
the progress of the American Negro in fifty years. Neither do 
we wish that progress to be regarded simply in the past. Won- 
derful things can be said about it, but if there are any difficulties 
in the way, if there are, at any points through this long stream 
of years, things which should be mentioned which make against 
seeming progress, let us sift those—to be weighed, held in the 
balance. It is often true that when there is loss, it is only seem- 
ing loss, and that success is really found. You, of course, know 
in your personal life that you have often been most successful 
when you have seemed to be defeated. Out of defeat comes 
that inner victory of the heart and mind which is incomparably 
more valuable than any statistics of outward circumstances can 
show. 

I wish to call your attention to another thing. The block 
of fifty years which is to pass in survey by us in this Conference 
is the smallest block of respectable size which can be considered 
in such an undertaking as this which we have in hand. Fen years 
will give us, perhaps, hints; twenty-five years will give us a few 
plainer suggestions; fifty years is the smallest block of time from 
which we can determine what the trend is. One hundred years 
would be better, but fifty years compasses a generation, and while 



4 


it is true that there is no exact boundary between generations, still 
it is true that in twenty* five years not all of any generation pass 
off the stage. Within fifty years there is a practical change of 
generations. Now, in all the history of the world, it has become 
evident that the progress we seek is, to a great extent, between 
generations ana not within any one generation. Progress takes 
place between a generation whose footsteps we hear dying 
away in the distance and those whose steps we hear com- 
ing along to take part in the present. The legacies which are 
important for the world are left between generations. Each gen- 
eration takes up the burden, does its work under the inspiration 
of the past, and thus takes not only forward steps, but passes to 
a higher level of undertaking. For instance, let me mention 
this. 1 can remember the time when the talk of sociology was 
largely occupied with groups — years and years ago. The group 
method of trying to reach the people was the method pre-eminent 
in the minds of the workers, as illustrated, of course, by the ef- 
forts on many sides, before the Civil War. All attempted to 
treat men by the group method, but we have got beyond all that. 
The watchword now is ''treat men as people.” We treat the 
great problems we have from the point of view of the people, 
the people as a whole; the people as in all kinds of work; a uni- 
form record not because they are all alike in their characteristics 
but because they need the same amount of attention on the part 
of the specialists and workers. Today is no day for the talk of 
groups, small or large, as the case may be. The work of every 
one must be toward the great, coming democracy of the future; 
it must bear upon the worth of the work of the great coming 
democracy, embracing the children of men. 

So, I say, the breadth of such a survey as this is incontest- 
able. We are not here for a little thing. We are here for one 
of the biggest possible outlooks that men can have. Our stand- 
point is not the standpoint of the University, nor the standpoint 
of the community, nor of the group, but the standpoint of the 
world with its people. 

I want also to say, in this connection, that while this Con- 
ference is called together to look at matters brought before it from 
the historical point of view, it is not intended that it shall have 


no glimpse, or take no glimpse, of the future. It is not intended 
that we shall not occupy ourselves with the future. A great many 
race, and other conferences and congresses, have been held to 
look forward into the future. No view of the future is safe and 
sound until it has made a wide foundation in the life of the past. 
What is that foundation, is the Question which we shall try to view 
and, to some extent, settle by the meetings of this Conference to- 
day and tomorrow. The history of fifty years is to be a great 
resume of possibilities which are to come out from these discus- 
sions. Let me then close by suggesting again that our effort is to 
get at life. We may get at statistical tables from one year’s end 
to another and know nothing about life. What are the advan- 
tages of rural and urban homes; what is the prevention of disease 
by sanitation; what is the work of education; what is the estab- 
lishment of business enterprises; what do they all amount to un- 
less the souls of men of any race or color, standing all of them 
together upon the basis of humanity, what are they all, unless the 
life of the spirit be growing in Divine power for the work of 
the world. Let me call attention, as statistics are given, to the 
fact that behind these statistics there is an indescribable, a mag- 
nificent view, for each one of you to take, of the business of life — 
life and power. With these words, indicating to some extent the 
scope of the Conference which is historical — which is not to be 
limited to statistics and outlays of statements of similar kinds, — 
and with the hope that this Conference may have not simply a set 
of speeches in it, which may be interesting at the time but with- 
out helpful suggestion — as I am sure these speeches will be help- 
ful — 1 turn the Chair of the meeting over to Dr. Waring to take 
charge of the exercises. 



6 


Introductory Statements by 
Dr. J. H. N. Waring, Chairman 

general Committee appointed by the board of Trus- 
J tees of Howard University to arrange for the celebra- 
tion of the Semi-Centennial, selected me to be the 
chairman of the Committee on this Sociological Conference, and it 
was thought best by this latter committee that in my capacity as 
chairman, I should make a brief statement of the purposes of the 
conference. 

The Committee selected for discussion the general subject, 
“Fifty Years of Progress by the American Negro, ” for during the 
fifty years existence of the University it has sustained a very in- 
timate and vital relation not only to this progress of the American 
Negro but also to the general progress of the country and, indeed, 
of the world. Through the sons and daughters who have been 
sent into every part of the earth, the influence of Howard has en- 
tered into the warp and woof of the social fabric for the past half 
century and it has seemed to the Committee, therefore, that it is a 
very fitting time to review the progress of the American Negro 
during the past fifty years with reference to education, acquisition 
of homes, his success in business, and the general problem of 
health and sanitation. In such a review, two very definite ob- 
jects may be accomplished. First, we may be able to set forth to 
the interested public a reliable and definite amount of information 
upon these points, and in the second place, we may reveal to some 
extent the part which the University and her graduates have played 
in this great march of progress. 

In the minds of some of us who have been thinking along 
these lines, there opens up in connection with this Sociological 
Conference another and a larger opportunity for service. While the 
general government has made certain studies of great value with 
reference to the social conditions, amidst which the colored peo- 
ple of America are struggling, there yet remains a wider, a more 
comprehensive, a more vital field which as yet is almost entirely 
unexplored and undeveloped. May we not hope that Howard 
University, standing as she does upon the high ground of social 


7 


and educational effort, may undertake and consummate those soci- 
ological students which will give to the American people and 
to the world exact and comprehensive knowledge of every phase 
the life of the American Negro. 

There exists in this Committee on sociological conference a 
strong hope, amounting almost to a belief, that the work which 
will be accomplished during the sessions will be so val uable, so 
far reaching, so definite and determining that the Board of Trustees 
will be led enthusiastically to provide for just such investigations 
and studies. 

The Committee has been fortunate in the extreme in secur- 
ing the services of men who have been conspicuous in the various 
lines of work to be discussed here, men who have given and are 
still giving their lives and their earnest efforts to the upbuilding 
of the American Negro. 

1 wish to take this opportunity as a member of the Board 
of Trustees and as Chairman of the Committee on the Sociologi- 
cal Conference to express our appreciation and gratitude for their 
acceptance of the invitation to participate in these meetings. 




£ 



Address by R. R. Wright, Jr., Editor Christian 
Recorder, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Upon Ownership of Rural and Urban Homes 

MAN who owns a home has a different moral interest 
in his community from a man who does not own one. 
And then there is another interest which has moral 
value, and that is patriotism — the love of country. We all nat- 
urally love the place where we were born, but when that place is 
ours, our fathers had it, our grandfathers had it, we struggle to 
get it. There is a deeper love and it strikes me that one of the 
greatest things that our country can do for Negroes is the en- 
couragement of home ownership, on which there is founded a 
strong sentiment of patriotism. 

And to go a step further. The home ownership also is the 
basis, of the Negro's re-entrance — as Dr. Young has just said, into 
politics. We went into this political exercise, not knowing what 
we were doing, but when we get homes and there are problems 
of sanitation, and housing, and taxation, and dozens of other 
problems, we have a real reason for political activity and it will 
be a difficult thing for Negroes to be kept out of political activ- 
ity when they acquire homes. We are now shifting our politics 
from a theoretical economy to a political sociology and the ques- 
tion of social justice, the questions of municipal operations, are 
being more and more thrust to the fore in our politics, and the 
men who will settle these questions are home owners. 

Then from the strictly economic point of view, or industrial 
point of view, home ownership means — as Mr. Young has stated — 
stability, not only moral stability but what precedes it, an economic 
and industrial stability. The man who purchases his home has to 
keep his job. He has to do that first, before he purchases, and 
then after he purchases he must do the same, and so the encour- 
agement of home ownership tends more and more to the stability 
of our industrial system and the Negro becoming more and more 
a home owner, becoming more and more a factor in our indus- 
trial improvement. 

Viewed from that point, I can see how a University such as 
this great University should stop and consider why we have 
"owned homes. ” Not because we have so many million dollars 

9 


worth of property, but because there are so many hundred thous- 
and Negroes becoming, year after year, more and more settled 
and more and more interested in their country — more and more 
a part of it. 

I had planned to say a word about the statistics. There are 
no statistics of ownership of property by colored people that I 
have ever seen published. There are guesses. The best we have 
is what* the United States Census gives, but the Census is far off 
on the Negro of the North. The records of the Negro in the North 
have usually been records of things which are detrimental to the 
race. We have the record of death. We have the records of arrest. 
We have the records of imprisonment, etc. In local statistics and 
nowhere else do we find records of the ownership of property, 
the registration of graduates from our schools, etc., and so, when 
one goes to get the property in the North, he is at a great dis- 
advantage. 

Furthermore — the color question is not so much to the front 
in the North as it is in the South. (I am glad Mr. Pelham is 
here; he works on the Census statistics.) When I first saw the 
Census statistics of farmers in Pennsylvania I wrote to the Cen- 
sus Office and said, "Why, you have no colored farmers in 
Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, why is that?" I said, "Look 
up the record of James T. Patterson and see whether you have 
him colored or white," I have made my summer home there for 
several years and Mr. Patterson’s people have made their home 
there for over a hundred years, and across from him is another 
colored farmer. And I asked the Census Department to look up 
the record. I got the response that they would do it, but when 
the Bulletin came out I saw there was no record of Negro farm- 
ers there. What has happened there has happened in many 
other places where the Census enumerator, not very keen on the 
colored question, has let the colored man go in as white, and 
when it comes to figures, we don’t get the credit we should. I 
want to make another observation about the Negro ownership in 
the North and that is this: It was my privilege to visit about. 85 
Negro rural communities. In most of these rural communities 
in the North the Negroes who owned property fifty years ago, 
got their property largely by gift from white people. One of the 


10 


largest of these pieces of property is in Greene County, Ohio, 
and another in Darke County, Ohio, also Brown County, and 
many in Indiana, where Negroes were emancipated or manumitted, 
and sent to these places, their owners frequently giving them a 
thousand acres of land; for instance, in Brown County, 2,000 
acres of land were given to a former slave; sometimes as much 
as $10,000 was also given. In 1866, in Greene County, Ohio, 
for example, all of the property — the farms owned by Negroes 
(being more than 100,000 acres) were given them by white peo- 
ple. A little less than fifty years after that date 1 examined the 
record and found in one section that all the land that had 
been received by Negroes as gifts had been dissipated to an 
amount of less than 50 acres, and that the larger holdings 
were all, without a single exception, in the hands of men who 
had bought the property themselves, or their fathers had pur- 
chased it. The same thing was true in another section — Brown 
County. The men who got their property largely by gift from their 
white parents or their former masters, as a rule have let it go, and 
the larger amount of the property now owned is owned by people 
who worked for it themselves, or whose parents worked for it. 
That is generally true in all the rural communities of Negroes in 
the North, which shows that this ownership of property by col- 
ored people during these fifty years means the exercise of their 
own or their fathers’ energy; their fathers' thrift or their own 
thrift; and the conservation by themselves of their parents. 

An interesting study of Negro property in the North is that 
showing that there is a great deal of property in Indiana, Michi- 
gan, and Ohio, which Negroes have received from the Govern- 
ment in 60 or 160 acre lots. In most cases where they have re- 
ceived this property from the Government — where the pioneer 
Negro father went out and cleared the forest — this property is still 
in the hands of Negroes, and one of the most interesting of these 
cases is in Cass County, Michigan, which probably is known to 
all of you. 

In conclusion let me speak of city ownership. Mr. Work 
made a study of city ownership in Chicago, and there has been a 
study made of city ownership in Philadelphia. Outside of this I 
do not know of any intensive study of city ownership of property 


11 


among colored people. In 1909, by personal effort, I located 
3,373 Negroes in the State of Pennsylvania who had an assessed 
property value of $5,000,000. About" six years before this time 
a study of Negro property in the city of Philadelphia revealed 
ownership to the amount of $280,000 worth of property. In 
1909 there was therefore something like $5,589,000 worth of 
property owned in 105 towns, and I calculate that is about fifty 
per cent of the holdings of colored people in the state of Pennsyl- 
vania to-day. I would conclude that there are about 6,500 Ne- 
groes who are property holders— who have (exclusive of the value 
of the property in churches and institutions) property valued at 
between $15,000,000 and $20,000,000 — an amount gotten at only 
approximately because of 200 district assessors who stated that 
they had no Negroes in their districts who owned property, al- 
though the ministers in the community, in 1887, returned names 
of colored property holders, which were afterwards verified by an 
assessor who at first stated there were no Negro property holders 
in his district. So what we have is entirely an estimate. 

It is interesting to study how the Negro acquires his proper- 
ty. There is more in the method of acquirement than there is in 
the figures which we give. The city of Philadelphia probably 
has more colored owned homes than any of the large cities of the 
country. Most of these are acquired through the Pennsylvania 
Building and Loan System of purchase. It may be known to you 
that Pennsylvania has more homes than any state in the Union; 
that, though New York has 9,000,000 people, Philadelphia has a 
half a million more homes — dwelling places — in it than New 
York has, and Philadelphia has more homes that are owned by 
the people who live in them than any other city in our country. 
Now this is largely due to the fact that the easy method of pur- 
chase, through the building and loan association, relieves a man 
of the fear of foreclosure mortgage, and also of the necessity of 
having to pay a large sum at any time. I happen to be the President 
of one of these associations and in talking with dozens and dozens 
of these Negroes who have come from the South, especially, we 
find this difficulty,. that he fears the mortgage will be foreclosed. 
As soon as we can explain to him that there is no two-year or four- 
year or five-year mortgage, at the end of which time he will, if he 


is unable to pay the $1,000 or $1,200, lose all of his holdings, he 
is convinced that the purchase of the home is not only a sensible 
thing but a very easy thing, and I wish that Howard University 
might study the Pennsylvania system of building and loan asso- 
ciations as a method of purchasing homes for poor people. This 
method has proved a wonderful benefit to white and colored in 
Pennsylvania and if it could be adopted throughout our country, 
it would increase the holdings of colored people in the next ten 
years, a very, very large per cent. 



13 



Address by Wm. Anthony Aery, Press Service 

Hampton Institute, Va. 

Upon Business Enterprises 

ERHA PS you will pardon a personal word if I tell you 
that I belong to that relatively small group of white 
people who serve as buffers between the great mass of 
white people on the one hand and a great mass of colored people 
on the other, and sometimes white people misunderstand what I 
try to do and certain colored people misunderstand what I try to 
do, but I have to assure you that what we do at Hampton and 
what white people of my class are doing is done with a Christian 
spirit, and if I say things that are critical or harsh, you will un- 
derstand. 

Now, the paper that Mr. Work read you just now empha- 
sizes very strongly and very emphatically certain success elements. 
You have the daring, the initiative, the industry, the thrift that made 
this wonderful paper possible, but as the men in the white busi- 
ness world are learning, it is not enough for us to make progress 
or to be satisfied with investigating — that is not the best. What 
we have to do is apply the survey method of looking after the 
facts, whatever they may be, pleasing or displeasing, and in the 
consideration of these facts, realize that they are mere foundations. 
As I see the problem, it seems to me that every day that you 
and I work together for this national prosperity and for the pros- 
perity of the colored and white people, we must be willing to 
adopt the foundations that are built upon character, upon intelli- 
gence, upon thrift, upon cooperation, upon racial good will. Now 
when you take facts into consideration, and build on them, you 
have something which we can go out and work with in the fu- 
ture. Of course there are certain business dangers. One is that 
we shall forget the weakness in our present organization. When 
we go out to carry out a big campaign, whether it is for education 
or even in politics, the thing we must try to do — the thing that 
men try to do, is to perfect their organization, and the big thing 
in organization is to make every man in the organization feel the 
force of somebody’s personality. Because of this, — in Howard 
University you have had strong personality at work in the form 
of your presidents, in the form of your professors — you have been 

14 


able to inject some new life and new hope and new ambition in- 
to more and more a common cause, and with new hope and am- 
bition these people have gone out into the North and South — 
everywhere — carrying out the concrete ideas of Howard Univer- 
sity. Now,*that is the thing we have got to work for, not only 
in Howard and Hampton, but at Harvard and Cambridge. The 
colored business men and women must come together and decide 
what is going to be the big platform on which they are going to 
work. Then when you have decided on your platform and you 
can get people trained — students in stenography, in typewriting, 
in bookkeeping, in the technique of business — and establish some 
offices, it seems to me that you take the history of the past and 
capitalize it. Now, what do we mean? We mean to put the 
thing to work without abusing it. When you put money to 
work, what do you do? You make money work over and over 
and over again, and when you capitalize personality, you use peo- 
ple over and over, but you do not wear them out. And it seems 
to me all important to meet the possible dangers of business. 
That is the thing we have got to do. Capitalize our manhood; 
capitalize our womanhood; make our young men and women in 
school realize the great obligation they owe. For instance, 
frequently in the South, and I think Bishop Thirkield will bear 
me out, the question comes up again and again, of giving some 
money for colored schools, and what do we find? No money. 
Difficulties in getting money. And when a group of people look 
you in the eye and say, * f We have no money, ” what can we do 
about it? It means that some individual has got to take the risk. 
The leader, the man who takes the risk, if there are profits, 
gets them. But the man in the South especially, who wants to 
help education, must have money and he can not have money 
unless people have wants to be satisfied, and they will not have 
wants to be satisfied unless they are educated. And it all comes 
back to education, to good homes, and to the development of 
character. But how far can business men of this country go, if 
we are sending out to them people lacking in education? 

How much education do you suppose a white boy or a 
colored boy can get when he has to go to a one-room school, 
taught by a teacher who has never gotten out of the fourth grade 


15 


of the local schools, who gets $15 or $18 a month and teaches 
from three to five months in the year? How much of an impetus 
is given that boy or that girl to go on and earn money, and be a 
good farmer or merchant, and make it possible for us to put 
money into the schools? My friends, it seems to me this morning, 
as never before that on this talk about the facts that have been 
brought out by reference to Census reports— the facts that Mr. 
Work has brought out, — we must build up a program of action, 
something that we really can do. This is to be a progress pro- 
gram. If you find that the great bulk of the people you are try- 
ing to help are living in the country, you have got to work on a 
platform which must appeal to and help that class of people, and 
the big thing is not so much to tell them what kind of fertilizer 
to put into the ground as it is to build them up as men, and help 
the men on the land, and then the men on the land will build up 
their farms. And you can apply the same kind of reasoning to 
the merchant. When you really help a merchant, you do not help 
him by going in and loaning money necessarily. When a man 
wants to borrow money but objects to telling you what he wants 
to use it for, in all probability he is not likely to use that money 
wisely, and if he goes to the bank and wants to borrow money he 
must establish a good credit. 

As was said some years ago, the big thing is character. The 
man who has good character in this country can get credit, and 
I think again that Bishop Thirkield will bear me out, that there 
does not seem to be another place in the country where the aver- 
age colored man, without education, but with character, can get 
more real credit than he can in the South. 

Somebody was saying a moment ago that we are considering 
the colored man now, because he is moving out of the South. 
Yes, we are, and the North is as much distressed in some in- 
stances about it as the South. The South will let him go away but 
in many, many cases they won’t let him come in. And he is going 
to move out of the South, and he is going to keep on moving out 
of the South until we have a better place, a more secure place for 
him to live in. Now, one of the points that I would like to make 
perfectly clear to you is that the best people of the South today, 


16 


while they are not saying much about it, — they may not be mak- 
ing many promises as to what they are going todo, — but the best 
people have this whole thing on their hearts and they realize that 
certain things must be done for colored people, not because they 
are colored, but because they are folks, and whenever anything 
in this world comes that is worth while, whether it is a new idea 
or a new life, or anything else worth while, there is trouble, there 
is pain, there is danger — in many instances there is death. But 
out of that travail and that pain and that death we are going to 
have a new life. 

Some one talked, a little while ago, about men selling their 
farms and going into the North with material possessions. There 
is another side too. Not long ago, standing on the station plat- 
form there at the Atlanta terminal, what did I see? Perhaps fifty 
men, with nothing but overalls on. Many of them had nothing in 
their possession but a dirty white handkerchief; some had cheap 
suitcases. These men were going out to Columbus and Chicago. 
A great many are bound to fail. Why. Because they are colored? 
No, because they are of the class unfitted to meet the com- 
petition they are going to face, and what we have to do first is to 
protect these people who may have left their homes unwisely. 
People get panicky. Not long ago I heard of a case where a man 
left his property, unharvested crops, perhaps $2,000 worth. Can 
anyone explain why he left? He became panic striken. When 
we teach our boys and girls the fundamental ideas of economics 
and sociology and psychology and their business methods, and 
the other things which we can do through schools, it seems to 
me we are going to get what we call a methed of social control 
which is going to make it possible to avert a repetition of this 
kind of exodus. 

Then, again, in the matter of the school attendance. I have 
looked into this matter. I am not blaming anybody. I am not 
blaming colored people. I am not blaming white people, but 
here are the facts. They are according to the Census of 1910 
and I judge the ratios are just about the same now. 

There were, between the ages of 6 and 20, in this country, 
3,420,000 colored children; of that number we have 1,600,000, 
or in other words, 47.3 of the colored children in school. Of that 


17 


aggregate, let as take that group clown to 14 years of age. We 
had 68 per cent, in school. Now let us compare that for just a 
moment with the white situation. For the white children as a 
whole we had 64.5 per cent, in school as against 47.3 per cent, in 
school — for the colored — for that group 6 to 20 years. In the 
case of the group 10 to 14 years of age; we had 91.1 per cent, of 
the white children in school; we had 68 per cent, of the colored 
children. Now, it seems to me, that no matter who is to blame 
for that situation, these colored children are colored children and 

9 

therefore the colored people of the whole county are under obli- 
gation to strain every nerve and use every possible effort to see 
that at least 91 per cent, of the colored children between these 
ages, are put into the schools. That is merely fair. And so we 
could go on and make other comparisons but I want to leave that 
with you, it seems to me, as a responsibility. On the other hand, 
were I speaking to just as large a group of Southern white peo- 
ple, I’d say to them, that you can not afford, morally or econom- 
ically, not to do the square thing by these children; and they are 
waking up to see that point. Of course people do not like to 
put on shoes that they don't want to fit, and it would be a very 
easy matter when so many things have been said, that we should 
not say this at all. 

Now, you say you have reduced the illiteracy of the colored 
people. Yes, but you still have about 30.4 per cent, and you can 
not get the results you ought to have until you make every possi- 
ble effort- to cut down that illiteracy. 

As regards farming. In farming, as in other occupations, 
we are employing more and more of machine labor. Take the 
state of North Carolina, white people and colored people have a 
great abundance of man labor and a great scarcity of machine 
labor, and what happens. North Carolina trails down at the end of 
the list for agricultural output, per acre, and Iowa goes way ahead. 
Now, we are not saying that Iowa ought to be held back, but 
what we need to do is to show men on the land that they really 
can use machines to the greatest advantage. The facts that I 
have here about the Negro farmer are very similar to those that 
have been presented by other speakers but there is one thing I 
would like to try to emphasize and that is, that, whereas we have 


218,000 Negro farm owners, we have 672,964 Negro tenants. 
That is that great tenant class, mining the land in the South, and 
mining the land everywhere. This is not peculiar to colored 
tenants. Wherever we have great numbers of white tenants we 
have the problem of the ignorant man getting just as much as he 
can out of the land in order simply to keep body and soul togeth- 
er, and what then do you find is true? That these tenants move 
from one county to another, from one state to another, and move 
just as often as they possibly can. When the boll weevil strikes 
Alabama, when the floods come to Alabama, when the white 
man at the bank says, "We can not extend you any more credit/’ 
what happens? He must get out, and in many cases he has to 
get out by selling the very last thing on earth, which he has. He 
burns his bridges behind him. Now that tenant goes out and tries 
it in Chicago and finds that he does not make a go of it and then 
wants to come back South. Do you suppose that the South is 
ready to receive him again? No. If the man, however, who 
has been a farm owner and has sold his land and gone away, 
happens to make up his mind to go back, all he needs to do is to 
announce the fact and they will say to him, "We want you 
back." That difference between the owner and the tenant is a dif- 
ference that is based upon an economic difference and not a racial 
difference. And if we can learn, I think, the two great groups 
in this country, that many of the things that trouble us are sim- 
ply economical and sociological and psychological rather than 
racial, I think we will get somewhere. 

Something was said, just a moment ago, about farming and 
manufacturing. The figures in the case show very clearly that 
in this country there has been for instance, a cutting down on the 
percentage of those people in agriculture as compared with those 
engaged in trade and transportation pursuits. At present the 
Negro has about 56 per cent, of his number in agriculture as com- 
pared with 32 per cent, of the white people. The country as a 
whole has about 20 percent, in trade and transportation; the col- 
ored people has about 6 per cent. The country as a whole has 
about 28 per cent, engaged in manufacturing and economic in- 
dustries; the colored people has 4 per cent. You can see, my 
friends, the wonderful possibility there is for you to enter into a 


19 


new line of opportunity that some people think is closed to them 
on account of their race. It isn’t at all; it just simply means 
that we have not organized our forces and we are not moving in 
lines that are opening up every day that we are here. 

Another condition of this progress that we are talking about. 
If you find that one group is dying off at the rate of 25 in a 
thousand and another at the rate of 14 in a thousand, you do not 
need to be surprised if at the end of twenty or thirty years one 
group has everything and the other has lost everything. There 
is no use of saying that the Census figures are not right; they do 
not include everything they ought, perhaps; they do not guaran- 
tee that they do, but they indicate the trend of things. We can 
not afford to deny these figures but we need to see what are 
some of the things we can do. In the matter of housing you are 
very frequently limited by statute. Recently I was in Baltimore 
and that question was discussed. The Mayor of Baltimore had 
called a conference. There are other men who are interested in 
the housing problem, and changes in the housing conditions will 
come about just in proportion as you can show definitely, but with 
kindness of spirit, that changes ought to be made. 

White people are a very hard-headed group of people, but 
you know you can take the most obstinate, hard-headed white 
men in Washington and get the right colored people to intercede 
with them, in the right way, and you can almost get them to say 
that black is white. You say, f, We do not want to lose any of 
our manhood and we do not want to sacrifice/’ You do not 
need to. You do not need to sacrifice any real pride, if you will 
go to a man and in* a kindly way tell him what the facts are. But 
sometimes we have discovered this, that just as soon as you pick 
up figures like these and throw them at white people through the 
papers or in any other way, you get a lot of white people to say, 
" All right, we won’t do anything if they come at us is this way.” 
I can give you an instance where a school building was delayed 
seven years because one colored man, without judgment, hurled 
some figures at people when they were not in a mood to listen to 
them, but if he had gone at it in a different way, he would have 
immediately gained what he was after. That is not sacrificing 
manhood; it is just simply knowing how to take the bull by 
the horns. 


20 


In the matter of Negro homes; it is very clear to me from 
the studies I have made, that unless a man has a good home he 
is not going to have much of an incentive to do a great deal. To 
have good homes we have got to have women who are prepared 
to make good homes, and as a part of the program, I would say, 
let us help the woman, and to do that, let us give her as many 
labor saving devices as possible so that she might have some 
time to herself to study the problems of her home, and so that 
she may go out, and with other women, organize movements that 
only women can start and push along, I have had enough ex- 
perience with colored women to know that they can do anything 
they start out to do, but frequently they are so tied down to the 
routine of home duties that they simply haven’t time. I think 
in schools and colleges we ought to make sure that the girls learn 
the fundamental principles of economics just as the boys do, that 
they ought to learn how the masses of the people work so that 
they could handle business and sociology. Let me say this. You can 
take boys and girls and direct them toward the better things in 
this life. We are doing this at Hampton and you can do exactly 
the same things for boys and girls at Howard. Howard Univer- 
sity has its commercial college and it is doing splendid work, but 
for the great bulk of people we need that new attitude toward 
business and toward life. 



21 


> > 


Address by Eugene K. Jones, Executive Secretary 
National Urban League, New York Gity 

Upon Health and Sanitation 

X AM sure there isn’t a colored person in this room who 
did not understand Dr. Roman in the position that he 
took in regard to high infant mortality among Negroes, 
which, together with pulmonary diseases is really the cause of the 
high Negro death rate as recorded in the various cities through- 
out our country. In fact there is no question in my mind as to 
the fact that the high infant mortality is largely due to the im- 
morality among many of our people. Recently the Urban 
League made an investigation in New York City of the high in- 
fant mortality existing on the West Side — the social cause under- 
lying the large number of deaths of Negro babies under one year 
of age and it was found that of those that died, 25 per cent, were 
illegitimate children. If you will observe the records of Wash- 
ington, D. C., you will find that 22 per cent, of the babies born 
in this city among colored people are illegitimate. It is no 
wonder that we find a record of high infant mortality when these 
conditions exist. There is no question in rny mind that the 
death rate among Negroes in Africa was at least normal so far as 
the death rate among uncivilized people was concerned. We 
have authoritative information to the effect that diseases due to 
pulmonary causes, syphilis and smallpox are almost unknown 
among the Negroes of Africa. We also know that there must 
have been a very high death rate following their transfer to this 
country, due to despondency, dress, and illtreatment — and we 
have authority for the fact that a large majority of Negroes were 
not well treated. We also know that several authorities on social 
matters have stated that unless the Negro is up and doing, the 
solution of the Negro problem in America will be in the Negro’s 
despondency; that as a result of that despondency, the Negro’s 
birth rate will decrease, the death rate increase and gradually the 
Negro will become a smaller unit in -the population. But the 
Negro, because of his hope and determination to make good, in- 
creases in numbers in this country. 

We know that the city dwelling with its poor housing con- 
ditions and insanitation, the habit of keeping late hours to which 

22 


many Negroes became addicted, liquor, and venereal diseases help- 
ed to increase the death rate among the race following the war. 

We have authority to the effect that the mortality among 
Negroes in rural districts is never more than 25 per cent, more 
than that of the whites. The Board of Health of New York 
City has gone on record as saying that the rural death rate among 
Negroes is nearly the same as the rural death rate among the white 
people. We know that very few of the rural districts of the 
South have reliable statistics on this matter; they are not included 
in the registration area and reports contrary to this opinion must 
not have any effect upon our judgment. We also know that ac- 
cording to the records showing admission to the hospitals of the 
army, the Negroes have exceeded in those diseases that were not 
known to Negroes in Africa but are diseases of civilized man — 
pneumonia, frost bites, smallpox, and sunstroke. The whites ex- 
ceeded the Negro in typhoid fever, measles, malaria, ghonorrea, 
dysentry, and deaths from alcoholism, the majority of which are 
diseases to which Negroes had become almost immune. We 
know also that the Jews on the East Side in New York City have 
a lower death rate than the average death rate for the city as a 
whole which indicates the power of “selection” in a group. This 
lower rate is due largely to the fact that the Jew has been stand- 
ing before persecution and unfavorable living so long that the 
weaker members have died off leaving a strong people who have 
a lower death rate than other people. 

Now we will take the urban death rate for the registration 
area. The death rate for the city of New York in 1915 was 13, 
which was the lowest of any large city in the world. The death 
rate among Negroes in New York in 1915 was 24.5 as compared 
with 30 in 1910. This change for the better followed the mov- 
ing of large numbers of Negroes to houses in which they have the 
best sanitary conditions. So you can see that after all it is en- 
tirely a question of environment. According to Dr. DuBois’ 
” Philadelphia Negro” the death rate among Negroes in Phila- 
delphia from 1884 to 1890, in the 5th Ward was 48.4, due to the 
extremely bad conditions. About the same time, in the 30th 
Ward, the death rate was only 21.7, which is another evidence of 
the fact that the conditions under which people live determine 
the death rate. 


23 


Dr. Roman dealt briefly with the question of physicians. In 
1890 there were 909 Negro physicians in the United States; in 
1900 there were 1 ,734; in 1910 there were 3,077 or one to every 
3,259 Negroes in this country, or but one to every 600 families* 
So you can see that we are very likely soon to get the proper 
medical attention that our people should have in time of sickness. 

Not long ago I was in a conference in which the question 
of prevention of disease was being discussed, for a large section 
of New York City. The subject was "Preventative Health 
Measures. ” When I was asked to speak I spoke almost entirely 
of the Negro wages, Negro rent, the condition of our houses, the 
attitude of the Union towards colored labor, and such things. 
When I was through the Chairman of the meeting got up and 
said, " We came here, gentlemen, to discuss preventative meas- 
ures, not the attitude of the Unions toward Negro labor; not the 
economic condition of the people.’’ I arose immediately and 
said, "I think that the time when a city like New York will per- 
mit its Health Department to discuss health without regard to 
wages and rent and the narrow margin between the cost of living 
and the income of the people, ought to be passed, and that we 
are not any longer to tolerate conditions of that kind.” And I 
went straight to the various departments of the Health Depart- 
ment in New York City, and I found a ready response. I found 
that they were ready to take up this question of the industrial 
condition of the people. In New York City we found that the 
colored people were paying one third of their income for rent; the 
whites, one-sixth. The Negroes were living in five, six, and sev- 
en-room apartments, with small incomes, because they could net 
find two, three and four-room apartments; that their incomes were 
so insufficient to meet their needs that the Negroes in 62 per cent, 
of the families had to take lodgers, thus aggravating an over- 
crowded condition. We found that 31 per cent, of the popula- 
tion was lodgers — a floating population — and that there was not 
a single bathing facility in that whole community of 60,000 peo- 
ple. We found that the city street-cleaning department did not 
flush the streets regularly. We found out that the Health De- 
partment did not make regular inspection; that there was no milk 
station; no health station in the community. By demanding a 


better condition we have been able to get all these things im- 
proved in our city and the result is a lower death rate. Now I 
think that in every community throughout this country, whether 
we have control of the reins of Government or whether we are 
kept in the background politically, it is time for Negroes to come 
forward and intelligently demand better conditions as a basis for 
better health. I find that we can get at least a hearing and that 
some results will follow. 

Just the week before last an illness census was taken. Who 
ever heard of an illness census? We have always had death rates 
but we wanted to find out what diseases the people were suffer- 
ing from. We were able to get the Health Department to use 
400 nurses to find out whether the people were using physicians 

or not, or simply doctoring according to advice of friends; wheth- 
* 

er they were getting sufficient funds to purchase medicine or not; 
whether they go to the clinics; whether they use the public facili- 
ties furnished by the city. Strange to say, we found in many 
cases our people would not take advantage of the opportunities 
they had provided for them, but be that as it may, it is the duty 
of the various city departments to instruct the people in the use 
of the facilities they have at their command, and I am sure if this 
Conference does nothing more than send out the information that 
we believe in better health conditions, by the people demanding 
more consideration from their government, by instructing the 
children as to hygiene and sanitation, and following the advice of 
Miss Ovington, to get more ventilation in our homes and in oui 
public buildings and thus reduce materially our death rate, this 
Conference will be doing a material and effective piece of work. 



I 


25 


The Following Conclusions were Drawn up by a 
Committee and Adopted by the Conference 

The Howard University Sociological Conference on "Fifty 
Years of Progress by the American Negro” which was held on 
March 1 and 2, brought together from all parts of the country 
several hundred men and women who are working intelligently 
and in a Christian spirit to promote racial good-will and national 
prosperity. 

Some of the big constructive ideas of the Conference follow: 

Christian character, intelligence, co-operation, respect for 
womanhood, thrift — these are the foundation stones upon which 
all progress is built. To the degree that individuals and groups 
secure these precious possessions there come national prosperity 
and racial good-will. 

The sociological conference serves as an excellent and effec- 
tive clearing house for the exchange of ideas and the comparison 
of methods which deal with vital problems such as health, educa- 
tion, enforcement of law and order, industrial opportunity, home- 
making, community improvement, and character building. 

It brings together representative leaders who are seeking the 
truth as a guide to the building of a constructive program of so- 
cial progress, in spite of legal restrictions and discriminations. 

It brings the University into helpful touch with those who 
are leading the masses toward the better things of life. It gives 
the leaders a chance to discover how much of service the Univer- 
sity can render, and stands ready to render, to them, if only they 
will make known their needs and wants. 

How a sociological conference can most effectively deliver 
its message to the public is still a serious problem. 

Health is an individual and a public problem. It is defi- 
nitely correlated with morality. Whatever the individual will do 
to regulate his or her life according to the teachings of the Bible 
and whatever the public will do co-operatively to improve sani- 
tary conditions, housing, water and milk supplies, will surely 
improve public health and will prove a blessing to the nation. 

Education must provide for the training of the whole mass 
and for every man, woman and child who needs to meet the eco- 
nomic and social demands of the present day. 

Education must be carried to the people, when, for any rea- 
son, people do not seek education. 

Education provides leaders, and without leaders the people 
must suffer needlessly. 

Education must bring to every man and woman definite re- 
sponsibility for helping disadvantaged individuals and groups. 

26 



1 . 0.4 


Those engaged in business, regardless of their previous 
training or present success, need to do more professional reading, 
need to form local, state and national associations to study better 
methods of business organization and need to exchange ideas more 

freely. 

Educational institutions should give all their students the 
essentials of psychology, economics, sociology and modern busi- 
ness methods so that future leaders, already trained in scientific 
methods of study, may be able to attack with intelligence their 
perplexing, complex, recurring problems. 

They should train men and women to use initiative, persist- 
ence and vision in solving problems and should lay stress upon 
developing independent, broad-minded thinkers. 

Co-operation of colored men with white men and co-opera- 
tion of colored women with white women, to secure welfare im- 
provements, have proved to be lines of the least friction. 

Throughout the country there are evidences, in spite of the 
proverbial newspaper reports, that racial cooperation is slowly, 
steadily growing. 

When men and women of economic and social standing in 
the community oppose unjust discrimination and present these 
facts bravely before those who are in authority, there are many 
cases in which favorable action is taken. 

Amid the numerous disappointments which come to patient, 
loyal colored citizens on account of the white man's failure 
to understand or even consider, when he does understand, the 
colored man’s thoughts and feelings on the common prob- 
lems of life, there is, in the attitude of some strong southern 
white men who are leaders, a ray of hope that, in time, justice 
will prevail and race prejudice will disappear with the advent of 
education for all the white people. 

Women are invaluable to society, not only as makers of 
Christian homes, but also as pioneers and developing forces in 
all movements for the relief of poverty and pain, the improve- 
ment of the handicapped, the advancement of the ambitious and 
the development of all welfare enterprises. 

The social service work done by women throughout the na- 
tion commands the highest respect of everybody, for it is of a 
high order of excellence and has been done patiently, quietly 
and in spite of many hardships. 

The work of women to raise all classes to a higher level of 
civilization has made men realize anew the great importance of 
teaching all classes and races that any progress is conditioned by 
the respect which is commonly paid to womanhood. 






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